A social and historical profile of the Rroms in Albania

No official census of the Albanian PSR has ever mentioned the Rroms - not even the most recent, in 1989. In fact, nationality is not covered on the census form, but each head of family was asked orally, by the collector, the specificity "nationality"; this may explain any discrepancies in the results. In conclusion, the official data make no mention of the Rroms, despite the fact that some of them, particularly in Korça expressed their desire to declare themselves as Rroms. Perhaps they were included among the 900 listed as being of "other" nationalities.

The number of Rroms in Albania was estimated as at least 80,000 persons in 1981 or some 100,000 in 2000. Yugoslav sources mention 60,000 Rroms in Albania, but a more credible source, La documentation française[1] estimated 62,000 individuals in 1980, basing its figures on English sources. Taking into account an annual 3% growth rate for the Rromani population, we calculate that it was standing at around the 86,000 mark in the '80. The Greeks constitute the largest officially recognised minority in Albania, and their numbers were calculated at 59,000 in 1989. Even if we allow that the true number may be somewhat higher then this self-declaration, it is not unreasonable to assume that Rroms comprise the second largest - or perhaps even the largest - minority in Albania. Historically, the first count of Rroms in Albania took place during the census of 1522-23, when 374 campfires were noted, and calculated, according to Bojanović[2], to signify a population of some 1,270, or approximately 11 times less than the Rromani population in Yugoslavia during the same period. Hypothesising that the relative numbers have remained stable in the interim, this would give a figure of between 80 - 120,000 Rroms in Albania today. The most realistic estimate is probably around 95 - 105,000 in the country as a whole.

References to Rroms in Albanian texts can be traced back for centuries: in fact, their name appears (as Aegyptus = magɤp[3]) as a paragraph heading in the very first Albanian dictionary, dated 1635.

Gabel is of obscure etymology - perhaps from an old Mediterranean or late Latin root, gau, gav-, gab-, meaning "stranger" or "foreigner". This term is also used in Montenegro and Kosovia where it refers specifically to the Rromani groups living in the area as opposed to the Egyptians, called also Magjup (South) or Ashkali (North).

Magjup or Magjyp is etymologically related to "Egypt". In Northern Albania and in Kosovia, Magjup is a general designation for Rroms, while in Dukagjin the term refers to the Ashkalis, of Egyptian origin but amalgamated to the Rroms under a single depreciative label. These arrived first in the Balkan area (4th century AD) and their name was probably extended to the genuine Rroms when the latter reached our peninsula, some 1000 years later. The derivative forms Xhup or Xhip are widespread in Dibër[4] and similar derivatives, such as deup, are also to be found in Macedonia (e.g. Deupska mala, "the Gypsy quarter" - an important feature of Macedonian cities). The language may be variously called Magjupisht or Magjupçe.

Arixhi, frequently abbreviated to Arxhi, in the southern (Tosk) dialect, and is an exact translation of the southern Slavic term mećkar, "bear tamer". The familiar forms, Arixheshe or Arixhofkë, are used as terms of endearment, comparable to colloquial Spanish use of the term "Gitana". This term has been adopted by the local Greek minority, as Άρτζες, in addition to their own terms, Γύφτος and Tσιγγάνος. Arixhisht, one of the names for the Rromani language, is a derivative.

Katal, an odd word heard especially in Northern dialects, has been linked to different Arabic or Turkish roots, but none of these is satisfactory; As far as I know, no author has indicated this name as occuring in any other country.

Kurbat, a Korça dialect term for Rromani, seems akin to gurbet, meaning "emigration" (a colloquial Albanian form, through Turkish, itself from the Persian ghorbat "exile", traceable back to Arabic gorbath "foreign land"). The feminine form is Kurbatkë, and the Korça term for the language is Kurbaçe. De Goeje[5] indicates that this name is in use in Aleppo, Persia, Egypt and Serbia.

Qifto is another dialect term, this time from Gjirokastër (southern Albania); it derives from the Greek Γύφτος[6]. Stuart Mann also mentions Cergëtar, which he translates as "tent dweller", but this term, along with related forms Cergatar and Cergar (from cergë, a type of rough cloth — cf. Rromani cèxra, càxra, cèra, all meaning "tent"), is no longer in use.

The International term, Cigan, is rarely used in Albania; it is to be found almost exclusively as a scientific term, or, in literature, in reference to so-called Hungarian Gypsy music. It is sometimes used as a neutral designation to avoid local terms, all of which carry some degree of contempt. Stuart Mann claims that this term is used by the Jevgs (see below) to designate the Rroms, but we cannot accept this assertion.

As for the original term, Rrom: it makes its first appearance in Albania in newspapers from 1987 onwards, and has been very rare up to a short time ago; it is, however, to be found in the two most recent explanatory dictionaries of the Albanian language (dated 1980 and 1984 respectively)

To all of above terms we must add the words Evgjit and/or Jevg. Both refer to a group of unascertained origins (probably Egyptian) and social structure, but are sometimes used to refer to Rroms on the grounds that they are perceived as less offensive than the colloquial terms listed above. In some regions of Albania, no distinction is made between Evgjit and Rroms, whatever names they are locally known by. Unfortunately, all Albanian dictionaries translate the English term "Gypsy" as "Evgjit", and many writers use the term to designate the Rroms in the mistaken belief that it is less inappropriate than Arxhi, Gabel etc.[7]. Nonetheless the common people do, as Stuart Mann points out, "make a sharp distinction between them"[8]; all Albanians would include both groups under the term dora e zezë ("black hand") as opposed to dora e bardhë ("white hand"- a term covering native Albanians, Greeks and Slavs: n. b. that dora, like the Turkish word kol, means both "hand" and "social group". Rromani equivalents for these phrases - kalo vast, parno vast - do exist, but are little used).

In fact the Evgjit or Jevg constitute a comparatively small minority group of not more than 40 000 persons living mostly in Tirana with smaller concentrations in other Albanian cities such as Peqin, Përmet etc. Their origins and position are extremely confused, and the little information available is contradictory. Stuart Mann is correct when he states that "they stoutly deny any connexion with the Rroms, and to call them "Tsikan" is the worst possible insult (the opposite is also true — M.C.). Their traditions seem to point to an African origin. Regarding this, I once met a Jevg in the market-place in Tirana. I told him I was a bit of a lavengro[9] and asked him some questions about his language and the origins of the Jevg tribe. He told me his name, which I do not remember, said that the only language he knew was Albanian, and that all the tribe had forgotten their primitive language, except for one very old man, to whom he would introduce me if I turned up in the market-place the following Thursday. Of course I did turn up at the appointed time, but saw no more of the man. In the few minutes' chat we had, the old Jevg assured me that his people came from a land 'a two days' journey towards the sun' which must be Egypt. He was emphatic that his tribe had nothing whatever to do with the Rroms, and his statement seems to be borne out by the fact that in type and in feature the two tribes do not resemble one another in the slightest. A year later I met a Jevg who had joined the Shkodra Rroms. I spoke a few words of Rromani to him, but the others assured me he didn't understand"[10]

Further, Stuart Mann provides some interesting notes about their language: "The jargon spoken by these people is analogous to the thieves' Latin of Europe and consists in the main of fantastic distortions, of which I have made a list. How far they are of any worth I do not know[11]. Actually, the Jevgs speak Albanian with some peculiar phrases and a couple of words picked up from Rromani: mando "bread" (Bamidhi dialect), shella "money" (from śel "hundred"), etc. and other words of unknown origin, as talafere "pudendum muliebre". This is not evidence of Rromani origin, but rather of a tendency to make their own cant, a phenomenon not unusual in marginal groups[12]. Other items of their idiom have no connection with Rromani: aspi çoçi, which means "do not speak, someone is listening" (cf. Coptic aspe "tongue" & chache "alien").

They are said to originate from the south Egyptian slaves brought to Albania by the Turks, but there is no evidence of any kind for such affirmation. "One theory[13] is that the Jevgs are descendants of Egyptian slaves who escapes from Greece and fled to Albania." They also could have undergone crossbreeding with the first generations of Rroms as well as with Turks or Albanian masters, since anthropologically speaking they vary considerably: their complexion oscillates between the typical European skin to a colour far darker than any Rrom. They are also dissimilar in stature, body proportions and facial features. In many cases one can say that so-and-so is an Evgjit only if he knows his ancestry. Nor can any connection be ascertained with the Aśkali of Kosovia, although their social position is similar. They were probably already settled in Albania when the ancestors of the first Rroms, the Mećkaris, reached this land, since the latter call Rlie, a form of Erli/Arli, with regular aphaeresis of unstressed initial vowel, which means "autochthonous" or "settled" (in Turkish, yerli). Note that the Kabuʒis in Korça call themselves Arlîe, although their arrival is quite recent: they seemingly brought this name with them from some other place, where really had been held for autochthonous by more recent populations. The Jevgs are called Sir in Rromani slang [which is true, still today – M.C.]; there is no more trace of Beçës, quoted by Mann[14].

A peculiarity of the Evgjits is that the only beggars one could see in Albania until 1995 would belong to their tribe: it is rather a matter of tradition than of poverty. Alcoholism, gambling, and desertion of family are far more frequent among low-income Evgjits than in any other social group. On the other hand, many of them have achieved great social success, especially in the arts, mainly in music and dancing, but also in some administrative jobs and even in the army, despite popular prejudice concerning their proverbial lack of courage[15]. In consequence, one may say that their group is spread over more or less all social levels. Another prejudice holds that they are quite unreliable (hence the expression besa e Jevgut, "the word of the Jevg", to designate untrustworthiness), while all Albanians agree that Rroms never break their word.

From the linguistic point of view, the Rroms of Albania belong to the so-called first and second strata of the Rromani language[16].

Śkodrànis (stratum II): The Shkodra Rroms originally lived in Shkodra, and seem to have been closely associated with the Rroms of Montenegro and of Kosovia (known as Gabel, a term also used in Albania) especially Djakovica/Gjakovë, but today are to be found mostly in Tirana (Kombinat and Fushë-Krujë) and to a lesser degree also in Durrës and Lezhë. Other Rroms call them often ćergàri ("tent-dwellers" —although none of them lead a nomadic life — from ćèrga, "tent"; the terms cerga and ćergàri are also in common use in Serbo-Croatian). In places where they live in mixed groups, especially some areas of Tirana, they show a certain tendency towards assimilation into the other (stratum I) groups. Stuart Mann collected a vocabulary of some 2,000 words from them in the 1930's[17], as well as a number of folk tales, some of which were published in the Journal of the Gypsy Lore Society[18]. Stuart's investigations reveal only one Romanian element, namely the comparative particle maj, but complementary studies have revealed a number of other features. Another characteristic of this language is the extensive deyotisation of the noun endings (i.e bora, "brides", cf. Balkan borǎ) and more frequent deyotisation of the past tense verb endings than in the other group.

Balkan group (of stratum I): This group is numerically far more important, and may be divided into subgroups:

Rupane (self-designations, now obsolete): these Rroms are often called Ćergàris by other Rroms and to some extend confused with the Śkodrànis, although they are never called this way. They came to Albania from Turkey through Macedonia shortly before WW II and most of them live in Tirana, in the Permet area and in Myzeqe. The elder have still a good command of Turkish and they can speak also some Macedonian. Their sound reputation is based upon their high level of civilisation, respect of traditional values like solidarity, honesty, faithfulness and their good knowledge of various crafts (including now electronic and TV services). The famous violinist Halil Xhaferaj belongs to this group. From the linguistic point of view, their dialect is of I type.

Kurtòfis (self-designation) or Zerelàris: this group is very famous although it is represented only by two elder persons, two brothers who came from Bitola in the '30s and married in Fier. Their descendants have shifted to the Rupune's dialect but have keep the tribe name of Kurtofis; the Rupune say of them "beśle amençar thaj lile amaro pani" (they stood with us and took our 'water' [language and tradition]). Members of the group can be recognised by their characteristic small stature and dark skin, although some Mećkàri share this latter characteristic. The women wear very colourful clothing and, despite the great economic and social changes which have occurred in the country, they are generally very conservative in customs and family structure; indeed, while the new living conditions resulting from the Liberation have brought visible improvements to the living standards of other Rroms, the Kurtòfis seem to have distanced themselves from this process and to have kept their traditional - and hence rather poverty - stricken - way of life. Some continued to be nomadic, at least during the summer, even in communist time but most of their younger generation live now in Greece, where the children attended school with good results. They usually rely on small trade and handicrafts for their livelihood, and some have become comparatively well-to-do, yet there is no evidence that they wish to change their way of life. Practically no Kurtòfi have settled in the capital.

Mećkàri (self designation): This name carries the literal meaning of "bear tamers" in southern Slavic, but the Mećkàri themselves are unaware of this etymology and, when it is explained to them, are usually astonished, as they have no collective memory of any particular connection with bears (note that Albanian ari-xhi is but the translation of south Slavic mečk-ar). However, Djurić[19] suggest that the name may in fact refer to a totem, since according to a legend collected in Yugoslavia some Mećkàri groups descend from a bear. Both explanations seem equally bizarre. Many Mećkàri have long been settled in the plain of Myzeqe (in the villages of Morava, Levan, Mbrostar, Lapardha, Baltëz etc.) where they are mainly engaged in agriculture: a very rare occupation amongst Rroms, which they share with only a few groups in Hungary. In the past, they were extremely poor, and lived in small, thatched huts made of rushes (luv) in malaria-infested marshes[20]. They ceased to wear their traditional costumes in the period immediately after the Second World War. Many Mećkaris roamed on foot in various areas of Albania, including in the mountains, to beg for life in the '50s and latter settled in Tirana where they are still living. Their language is characterised by a very high rate of Albanisms[21], which testify to their having arrived here in the distant past, especially as many of these borrowings have subsequently undergone important changes within the Rromani context. Moreover, the linguist can identify borrowings from a number of dialects characteristic of different regions, indicating that the speakers must have travelled widely throughout Albania before settling.

There is no connection, apart from the shared name, between the Mećkàris of Albania, Yugoslavia, and Greece.

The Mećkàri comprise approximately a third of the Rromani population of Albania; it is worth noting that in certain regions - Myzeqe among them - the word "Rrom" has been reduced to its connotation of "husband" and has lost its meaning of "Gypsy", which is carried by the word "Mećkàri". Despite their slightly scornful attitude towards other groups, this tribe maintains rather good relationship with all the "black hand", and intermarries with them, including the Jevg.

Kabuʒi (Erlia self-designation — see above): Linguistically the Kabuʒis are very close to the Mećkàri, and seem to be branches of a single group, though these would appear to have arrived in Albania later, in successive waves, after a lengthy stay in Turkey. The origin of the term "Kabuʒi" is unclear: the Turkish -ci suffix give the impression of an occupational description, but the remainder of the word cannot be traced to any root. Perhaps it originated with Mihaj Kabudžić, a Rrom registered in Dubrovnik in the early 15th c., but this still sheds no light on the etymology of this odd word. Note that the Kabuʒi are also mentioned by Gilliat-Smith (in JGLS 1915/16; 2,9: 65-109).

According to Stuart Mann, their dialect is very close to the Florina and Thessaloniki dialects of Rromani although they came probably directly from Turkey. Be that as it may, it is extremely archaic, and possibly one of the closest to the proto-Rromani language as spoken at the time of the arrival of the Rroms in the Balkans: the final -s in inflected forms is dropped, the foreign element is more Turkish than Albanian and some completely Turkish verb paradigms may be encountered, a phenomenon noticed equally in some Rromani dialects spoken around Athens[22].

They dress conservatively as well: women wear trousers under a long dress, and most of even the youngest girls cover their heads with the traditional śamìa (shawl). They traditionally make their living from small-scale trading and handicrafts; in the past, they provided a precious link between the village economies and the market towns, exchanging basic industrial products for foodstuffs, then bartering this food for goods which in turn they brought to isolated farmsteads which would not otherwise have had access to them. Something has remained of this pattern, but most of them were employed by the state until 1990. Because of their loyalty to tradition, they enjoy the deep respect of other Rroms, but are also looked upon with some fear: they are reputed to be extremely vastune, something between "wild" and "ready to fight", especially in matters of honour, or even ratvale "bloodthirsty"... Their wives are expert in magic and palmistry, as well as in all kinds of divination (using coffee, beans, thread, etc.) - which they themselves do not believe in.

In the 1960's in Berat where there is a significant concentration of Kabuʒi, they founded a communist-type cooperative for basket-weaving (one of their traditional crafts), but were soon replaced by Albanians on the factory floor, as the Rroms could not reconcile the productivity with regular time-keeping. Having left the workplace, they took up the retail end of the wickerwork trade, managing in this way to retain control over their own time, and to continue in a traditional economic activity.

One should still add two specific sub-groups of Kabuʒis: the Stravalie of Rrapista, near Korça, who do not have a specific dialect but have keep a very archaic way of life, and the Vakërde of Gjirokastra and Berat, who are known for being quite fierce in dealing with their wives, who in turn act as the 'soldiers' of the group when conflicts arise with the surrounding population.

A small group came from Greece (Yanina) in 1945-1946 with the ‚am refugees; they live in the Gjirokastra area (Delvina etc...) and are called Bamidhje.

Many Rroms are splendid musicians and play in local bands: they are in great demand at weddings. Hekuran Xhambazi, formerly a clarinet player with the internationally renowed "Migjeni" group, is a Kabuʒi; he was also one of the two Albanian delegates at the Fourth World Rromani Congress in Warsaw in 1990. Immediately after the Congress, Demir Kosturi, the other delegate and a highly respected senior Kabuʒi from Korça, set up a successful group "E Korćaqe ćhave", with the brilliant young solist Lida Kanàni, also a Kabuʒi. After his death, his son Arben Kosturi is carrying on the task. Another group worth mentioning is "Rromano Dives", from Tirana, which toured several times in Europe with great success, including a four month tour in Germany, Austria and Switzerland with Andre Heller.

Prior to the Second World War, some Rroms girls of the Shkodrani group had made a living as çengi dancers (sometimes together with Egyptians girls) but, despite the moral suspicions attached to this profession, the overwhelming majority stuck to the extremely puritan Rromani morality, which is generally even more rigid than that of Albanians, and unlike the latter's, does not appear to be changing with time.

Unlike the Jevg, practically no Rroms are to be found in administration positions, the army, or "top" professions such as doctors, architects etc.; as a result, they are far more socio-economically homogenous than the former. A number of Rroms in Myzeqe region work as schoolteachers. Alcoholism is relatively rare, but the Rroms - especially the Kabuʒi - share with the Jevg a predilection for gambling. Many Rroms, especially men, marry several times over the course of their lives; their remarriage rate is higher than that of the Albanian population, but far lower than that of Jevg. As a rule, only the first wedding is an occasion for a biav, with subsequent marriages being celebrated more informally. Bridal virginity is still required by most families, and "the bed sheet test" (public display of bloodied linen from the marriage bed) is still encountered even in urban settlements (with a revival after the changes in 1990), though it had become less and less important among urban Albanian and Jevg. Due to the relatively high rate of separation and remarriage, step-parents are a common feature of the social landscape; the Albanian words (nièrko, m., nièrka, f.) are used to denote these, as no term exists in Rromani. Adultery has a low rate among Rromani women, but quite common among men, who are often involved with Jevg or Albanian women.

With the partial exception of Tirana and possibly other big cities, first marriages are, as a rule, still "matched" by older relatives: this custom has by and large died out among the Albanian population. An alternative to the "matched" wedding is abduction of a bride - also practised by Albanians. Rroms enter marriage very young, on average at 16-18 in the 80s but now at 14-15 and this is hardly one year later than was the norm some 30 years ago. Weddings are still very impressive affairs, with many guests and complicated rituals lasting several days; there are minor variations from one tribe to another.

Young couples take up residence with husband's people. A strong system of ascribed authority, in which male/female, older/younger, and especially mother-in-law / daughter-in law power relationships are observed, in ever more in evidence among Rroms than among Albanians. A husband taking an active role in domestic duties is considered more as an exception than a disgrace. The education of children up to the age of about 3 is carried out by the mother and/or grandmother; from then onwards, little boys tend to play outside while little girls stay in with adult women from whom they learn domestic skills. All go to Albanian schools, but are less than enthusiastic academically; nonetheless, literacy was more or less the norm in all population groups in Albania, including the Rroms and the Jevg, while a drastic regress had to be noted over the last decade. However, since literacy is acquired exclusively through Albanian, this is the language most frequently used in private correspondence. Both languages are used in telephone conversations, unless these take place in a public context (say, among Albanians in office). By and large, Rromani is used slightly less over the telephone than in face to face conversations.

This brings us to Rroms' attitudes towards language. To begin with, we must point out that, for Rromani speakers, the dividing line between their own language and Albanian is far less clearly defined than it is for, say the Greek minority. This blurred distinction is very common amongst Rroms[23]; it may be deliberate code-switching or, in classical situations, is caused by diglossy[24]; in either case, it is clear that it may serve a metalinguistic function[25] by expressing different views of reality and allowing for a range of very subtle allusions and implications.

When asked to give their opinions on the value of Rromani, Albanian Rroms express the same range of responses as Rroms elsewhere, from fierce pride to ostentatious contempt, though the former dominates overwhelmingly in Albania. In a recent paper[26] I tried to demonstrate that both types of reaction spring for the same basic attitude, and at the feelings of Rroms towards their own idiom and towards the Rromani ćhib in general are more complementary than contradictory. Again, public behaviour varies from individual to individual: some are ashamed to speak Rromani in public places, while others do not care ("na ćainèna pumaro śero") and see no reason to speak Albanian amongst themselves just because they will be overheard. However, the switchover to Albanian is automatic as soon as an Albanian or Jevg enters the conversation; the use of Rromani in such situations is limited to brief, practical orders, such as "make some coffee" or "go get such and such thing".

Rroms have an ambiguous attitude towards the "official" use of their language. On the one hand, they aspire towards Rromani books and schooling through Rromani, and are extremely interested in experimental Rromani television broadcasting, Anglunipe, from Prishtina - although they do not follow it regularly. As already noted, Rromani is sometimes used in private correspondence (New Year Greetings etc.), though naturally in Albanian script. The kindergarten of Rromani baxt, opened in Tirana in 1997 and runt in both Rromani and Albanian (two teachers) is a matter of pride for the inhabitants of Allias area. On the other hand they are very pessimistic, even fatalistic, about Rromani ever being officially recognised in Albania, although there have been no government measures justifying such an attitude. The fact is that grassroots Albanian reaction to hearing Rroms speaking their mother tongue in public places tends to be one of amazement or even irritation, typically expressed in phrases along the lines of "Why can't you talk plain, like everybody else?" or "You'll be wanting a political party all to yourselves next!" This can be explained by the fact that Albania has the most homogeneous population in the Balkans (the sizable Greek minority is concentrated in 2 districts in the extreme South), with the result that people were not formerly used to hearing languages other than Albanian. This situation is changing since the arrival of many foreigners in Albania over the last decade. Comments notwithstanding, however, the majority of Albanians pay no attention to the language spoken by Rroms.

Rroms may be ambivalent about public use of their language, but not about Rroms who try to "gaʒify" themselves "by force" (me zor) for whom contempt is absolute. A number of expressions unambiguously voice this: kalo gaʒo katràni ("a black Gaʒo - black as tar"), kerèla pe gaʒi me zor ("she makes herself a Gaʒi by force"), or ironically, parni gaʒi, thud avili ("she became a milk-white Gaʒi). Most examples are in feminine, because this effort to "pass" is most common among women; the men, by contrast, are more consciously aware of the fascination exerted by their Gypsyness.

As for the development of Gypsy artistic expression: there simply wasn't any up to the Warsaw congress which signalled a change in Albanian attitudes towards the Rroms. The only pre-Congress effort at deliberate "ethnic entertainment - albeit through Albanian - took place in spring 1984, when a mixed Rromani-Jevg group of workers from the Ndërtim-Gjelbërimi enterprise in Tirana (where most of the workforce are in fact Rroms or Jevg) got together to perform music and theatrical sketches, but the group disbanded after only a few performances. Hekuran Xhambazi, (see 5 above) has had a more during presence, but the fact that many of the melodies in his repertoire are from the Rromani tradition was never indicated (although of common knowledge) until he attended the Warsaw congress as one of Albania's official delegates. These two are Albania's best-known exponents of Rromani musicality.

Rromani artists are making their presence felt in other fields as well: the most outstanding of these is surely the young graphic artist/painter Ferdinand Koçi from Fier. An elder Rrom from Lushnje, Haxhi Riçi, left also a handful of poems with social, even socialist, inspiration and a young jurist, also from Myzeqe, Saimir Mile has published a handful of poems in Rromani in various periodicals.

Enver Hoxha writes[27], of the Rroms, "their tragic history is but a succession of persecution over the centuries... However, a number of authoritative writers and historians report that the Albanian people, and the Greek people, never rounded up or persecuted the Rroms." It is true that, in contrast to development in Romania, Germany, Spain and other European countries, massive administrative persecution of Rroms never took place in Albania, Greece, and indeed generally speaking, within the Ottoman Empire as a whole. The reasons behind this were not solely humanistic, but had practical roots as well: Rromani activities filled certain gaps in these countries' economic and social life by providing the trade link between cities and villages, producing essential handicrafts, providing music, etc. A good report on the "popularity" of the Rroms in Greece was given by Marselos[28] at the Sarajevo Conference in 1986. The situation in Albania may be expressed in similar terms. However, as in every society, phenomena of racial prejudice do occur. Enver Hoxha writes[29]: "I am fighting to eradicate every trace of the contempt and ill-will which have persecuted them for so long, for these weeds from the past are still poisoning us today". Some examples of how these manifest have been mentioned above. To be fair to the Albanian people, it should be pointed out that the overwhelming majority of the country's intelligentsia is well-disposed towards the Rroms, especially following the publication of Hoxha's memoirs expressing attitudes like those quoted above. Working class Albanians (peasants, lorry-drivers, factory workers etc.) find Rroms "friendly, cheerful, and trustworthy", and sometimes hard workers; sexual attraction of Albanian women towards Rroms is commonplace. In fact, racial prejudice proper seems by and large to be confined to petty bureaucrats[30]. Why, then, is there no official recognition of the Rromani language? Basically, the idea is simply too new to have really sunk in yet - not only in Albania, but in many other counties as well. Rroms are only beginning to insist on minority rights and to assert the value of their mother tongue. We find ourselves in a typical vicious circle, which is difficult to break out the country and in connection with the growth of national consciousness among Rroms throughout the Balkans generally.

On the other hand, the lack of concerted racial persecution may explain why, with no urgent need for ethnic self-defence, Albanian Rroms have never organised into any sort of movement. In fact the only time when they were - briefly - under threat was during the 1960's, when Mehmet Shehu, then primer minister, attempted to forbid them access to the main cities, but this policy was quickly dropped due to Hoxha's personal intervention. Shehu tried also to force them (especially the Kabuʒis) into the mould of collective work, while Hoxha considered they would come to collective works by themselves. More subtly, pressure has been exerted on Kabuʒi Rroms up to 1990, as they were often arrested, and sometimes insulted or beaten, when buying up large quantities of goods (especially cloths during shortage periods) for resale on the black market — one of their main ways of making a living.

A new chapter began in April 1991[31] with the project of creation of the so-called "Democratic Union of Rroms in Albania: Amaro dives/Our Day", now dissolved. In January 1992, with the help of the Albanian lawyer Mitat Dautaj, the Albanian branch of the Rromani Baxt Foundation was set up in Tirana with an executive board directed first by Marcel Kurtiadhes and later by Pëllumb Furtuna. Rromani Baxt runs a kindergarten, supported by the French CCFD (Paris) and attended by some 30 pupils every year; this kindergarten acts as an efficient bridge to facilitate the children's integration into the regular school. Rromani Baxt develops also some other activities (field research, juridical advice, extracurricular training, women's issues, occupational training, music and concerts etc...).

[1]In: Problèmes politiques et sociaux, 7th May 1982 — La Documentation française, p.38. See also the special issue of January 11th 1985, Paris.

[2]Stojanovski — Ромите на балканско полуострово, Skopje, 1976.

[3]Roques, M. — Le dictionnaire albanais de 1653, édité avec introduction et index complet - Dictionarium latino-epiroticum per R. D. Franciscum Blancum (Frëng Bardhi). Paris, 1932

[4]Hoxha, E. — Vepra vol 67, Tirana, 1989.

[5]De Goeje, M.J. — Mémoire sur les migrations des tsiganes à travers l'Asie. Leiden 1903, p. 67. In fact, the form used in Serbia is Gurbet, not Kurbat.

[6]Hoxha, E. — Vite të vegjëlisë. Kujtime për Gjirokastrën, pp 283-292, Tirana 1983.

[7]Personal communication from the Korça-based Albanian writer Thoma Kacorri. Enver Hoxha also uses the term "Evgjit" in his memoirs, but he understands the term as synonymous with "Rromani" is indisputable:

- he insists that they come from India, not Egypt, and gives all the classical references to Rromani history, including Firdowsi and the Inquisition;

- he states that he has read many books about them, inter alia by French authors. AS a matter of fact, with exception of Stuart Mann's few pages, extensively quoted here, no one has ever written about the Evgjits.

- he states that they were persecuted in Spain, France, Russia etc., yet Evgjits are to be found exclusively in Albania and possibly in neighboring regions;

- in Vepra, vol 67, he himself identifies the Evgjits with the Rroms.

[8]Mann, Stuart E. "Albanian Romani". In Journal of the Gypsy Lore Society 1933 vol. XII No. 1. p. 2.

[9] Ibid.

[10]A "wordman", i.e. a grammarian - a term not in use in Albanian Rromani. It sounds like Mann picked it up from English Rromani (maybe coined by Borrow), or possibly from Sinto.

[11]Half a century later, we could not ascertain if any of the following items given in Mann's description had ever really been current: "A head for instance, is a "bat", tooth is "pearl", tail is "snake", language is "mouth", hand is "stick", boy is "girl" /////// ku or kul means "water" (from akull "ice" in Albanian – M.C.) and fortsa an automobile (cf. fortigo, the Greek word meaning "truck" – M.C.). Incidentally, many of them speak Italian – who //// The only native word I know, picked up on several occasions, is hàra or hàrai, which means "hand" or arm"; this is not an Albanian word. None of these items could be heard in the 1980's, either they had all died in the interim, or the British linguist had been misled and felt victim to a little ethnic leg-pulling. In fact, these few elements remind more a Balkan occupational slang, like Dogançe or similar, than a true language.

[12]Courthiade, M. "Notiz zum Rromani Element In Albanischen Argot von Tirana", In: Publikaties van het Institut voor Algemene Taalwetenschap, Universiteit van Amsterdam, 1990, Amsterdam.

[13]Mann, Stuart E., ibid

[14]The following passage, by John Kolsti in The Gypsies in Eastern Europe (New York - London, 1991), after King Zog's Albania by Josef Swire, clearly refers to the Jevgs, not to the Rroms: "These Cigans, as they are called, being no longer nomads, have lost their language, though they still tell the tradition that their forebears came over the sea from the direction of the sun (meaning Egypt). Their type is very swarthy and quite unlike the average Albanian, but in common with nomadic Rroms, (Vlachs) their physique is poor. The men, when they must work, become hamals (carriers) or blacksmiths or executioners or scavengers; it is the Gypsy who drowns the stray dog and carts away the refuse - tasks to which the Albanian will not stoop. There are many of them at the port, where they work as stevedores and boatmen and porters. The women are stocky, hard-working, far neater than the Tirana Moslems, and they are often employed as servants, for the Albanian dislikes charring. Their noses are markedly Semitic. Their intelligence is average, but they keep their houses much cleaner than the lowland Albanians. Nevertheless the latter despised them, so the old official class is afraid foreigners should think them Albanian." The confusion between Rroms and Jevgs, fuelles by the common belief in Egyptian origin for both groups, makes this picture of Albanian "Gypsies" far from reliable, although, apart from Stuart Mann's descriptions, it does seem to be the longest pre-War passage devoted to them.

[15]A dictum ascribed to a Jevgish mother, as her son was going off the war, runs "Vre kho, t‘ keqen nona, beni dredha plumbit, mshifu mas gaxhoit! - look, poor me, use guile with the bullet, hide behind the Gadjo" We can comment on this saying in de Goeje's words, "centuries of incessant persecution cannot but have a pernicious effect on the character of the persecuted" (op. cit. p.52).

[16]Courthiade, M. "The problem in the Classification in the Rromani Dialects of the Balkans", In: VI Congress of the AISLEE, Sofia.

[17]Mann, S. A Vocabulary of Albanian Rromani - Hamburg 1990

[18]Mann, S. "Albanian Rromani Folkates". In: Journal of the Gypsy Lore Society 1933 Vol. XII No1 pp 1-32 (first part) and 147-158 (second part)

[19]Djurić, R. "O romskim zagonetkama." In Književnost 1511, Belgrade, 1977.

[20]Malaria was entirely eliminated in the 1950's.

[21]Cortiade, M. "Rromani and gaʒikani, where is the boundary? A typological approach of the lexical intercourse between a minor tongue and the surrounding linguistic milieu." In: Paper of the Centennial Meeting of the Gypsy Lore Society, New York, 1988. An updated version is available on the Internet (inalco.fr).

[22]Cf. Messing, G. "Lexical reorientation in a Greek Rromani dialect" In: Papers from the IV and V Annual meetings of the Gypsy Lore Society, New York, 1985.

[23]Hancock, I. "Patterns of English Lexical Adoptation in an American Dialect of Rromanes". In: Orbis 25 and Sharp, M.A. The relationship between Rromanes an English as spoken by the Portland Gypsies (unpublished Master's Thesis); see also "Rromanes and Gaʒikanes" op. cit. (21 above).

[24]In both senses: in a two-tier situation, and also when the topic itself - technical, political, etc. - is felt to demand the use of Albanian, due to perceived shortfalls in Rromani vocabulary. either situation would give rise too a sharp distinction between the two languages, rather than to meandering from one to the other.

[25]See also Appel, R. and Pieter Muysken, Bilingualism and language contact, London 1987.

[26]See "Between oral and written textuality: the lila of the young Rromani poets in Kosovia". In Lacio Drom 1985, 5B, pp. 2-20, Rome.

[27]Hoxha, E. Vite të vegjëlisë, op. cit. p.291.

[28]Marselos, V. "The Gypsy studies in Greece". In Jezik i Kultura Roma, Sarajevo, 1989.

[29] Hoxha, E. ibid, p. 292.

[30]Adam Bartosz accurately describes this in his "Romowie (Cyganie) w Albanii" (ms. 1986): "There is little variation among Albanian social attitudes towards the Rroms. Generally speaking, Albanians do not view Rroms negatively. In fact, relations between the two groups have been non-conflict for centuries. The Rroms held a vital place in the network of the rural economy,, and were always treated accordingly. They are also viewed with great sympathy by intelligentsia, particularly those of its members with an interest culture. Antipathy towards the Rroms is limited to a small class who interpret their difference - indeed, their very presence - as disconcerting. In a country pursuing an official policy of cultural unification, they can see no place for a different culture, and so deny its value. They feel that being a Gypsy as a disgrace, a stain of the honor of Albania. E. Hoxha's writings should have had the intended effect on this group, but stereotypes and deep-rooted prejudices have proved stronger the authority of a universally respect leader: in fact Hoxha's pro-Rroms stance is one of the few which have not been accepted by the intelligentsia as whole."

[31]For further information, see the report in "Nevipens Romaní - noticias Gitanas" No. 116, Barcelona 1991.